Sixty-Six Percent Natural

IMAGE: Screen grab showing global agricultural land-use in 1700, from World Cropland, Bill Rankin, 2009.

At Bill Rankin’s fantastic Radical Cartography site you can see an animation that shows the intensification and spread of agricultural land-use around the world over the past three hundred years.


IMAGES: Screen grabs showing global agricultural land-use in 1750 and 1800, from World Cropland, Bill Rankin, 2009.

I could spend hours with these maps: for example, it’s amazing to see that agricultural activity in India in 1700 is as intensive, if not more so, than in the traditional bread-baskets of the Caucasus or the densely populated areas of Northern Europe. The persistent un-farmed patch of France’s Massif Central is also interesting: even the Alps appear to have more agricultural activity.


IMAGES: Screen grabs showing global agricultural land-use in 1850 and 1900, from World Cropland, Bill Rankin, 2009.

Rankin notes that the major trend of the past three hundred years is simply the intensification of farming practices on land that was already agricultural, “punctuated by several episodes of rapid expansion into previously untapped areas: the Great Plains in the late nineteenth century, Argentina in the early twentieth century, and in last few decades, Brazil and central India.” He also points out rare but occasional declines in agricultural density: in the “central Amazon, northern Patagonia, or the Appalachian Piedmont after World War II.”


IMAGES: Screen grabs showing global agricultural land-use in 1950 and 1992, from World Cropland, Bill Rankin, 2009.

You might be wondering how Rankin knows what percentage of land was used for growing crops in 1700, before much of the world had even been charted, let alone systematically analysed in terms of land-use.

The dataset on which Rankin’s animation is based was developed by Navin Ramankutty and Jonathan Foley, whose methodology relied on an assessment of global agricultural land in 1992, at “5 min spatial resolution” (about 10 km at the equator), by “calibrating a remotely sensed land cover classification data set against cropland inventory data.” They then compiled an “extensive database of historical cropland inventory data, at the national and subnational level, from a variety of sources,” and processed that information through their 1992 land cover/inventory algorithm, in order to arrive at a historical reconstruction.

As Ramankutty and Foley freely acknowledge, the resulting map is a guess, albeit an extremely educated one that also matches what we know of “the history of human settlement and patterns of economic development.”

As always, much of the interest in maps like these lies in thinking about what is or isn’t measured—and why. Personally, I’m intrigued by the intensification metric, and the visual implication, as Bill Rankin puts it, that “many agricultural areas are at close to 100% exploitation.” This doesn’t seem quite right: Ramankutty and Foley are measuring agricultural land use (and only at a resolution of about 10 km at the equator), not productive potential. After all, surely an area of land could be solely devoted to agriculture and yet produce wildly differing yields depending on the crops sown and the farming techniques used?

IMAGE: Map showing the suitability of land for agriculture. The map (larger view here) is derived from more data sets developed by Ramankutty and Foley, available at the Atlas of the Biosphere.

Elsewhere, Ramankutty and Foley have also collaborated to map agricultural potential, based on “the temperature and soil conditions of each grid cell.” Somewhat implausibly, since agriculture both shapes and is shaped by human civilisation, the suitability rating ignores human inputs—urban sprawl, artificial irrigation, topsoil creation—altogether.

Stepping even further away from plausibility (and human intervention), Ramankutty and Foley subsequently produced a fascinating map of potential vegetation, showing “the vegetation that would exist at a given location had human forms of land use never existed.”

IMAGE: Map of potential vegetation. The map (larger view here) is derived from more data sets developed by Ramankutty and Foley, available at the Atlas of the Biosphere.

It is an alternate surface of the earth, carefully surveyed and classified by a human civilization that could not have existed in order for it to be a reality.

On a similar note, Colorado State University researcher David Theobald has designed a new system for evaluating and mapping the “naturalness” of a landscape. In his review, Rob Goldstein describes Theobald’s methodology thus:

Specifically, Theobald used existing land use data to apply scores at a scale of 30 metres. Urban/built-up areas, roads and cropland were assigned a score of “0.” Natural areas (i.e. forests, grassland, wetlands, etc.) were assigned a score of “1.” Roads and rural development negatively impacted the scores of adjacent areas.

Using this technique, Theobald arrived at “a natural landscape score of .6621 for the conterminous United States in 2001.” In other words, the lower forty-eight states are sixty-six percent “natural,” and only one-third human-designed, or “unnatural.”

The project seems flawed on several levels (it is somewhat incredible that Owens Valley, with its hijacked river and poisonous lake-bed, could receive the “highest naturalness” scores under any rubric), but the paradox of its premise is fascinating—that a pure form of nature can be carefully located and recognised as such by humans whose activity otherwise renders impossible its very existence.

Theobald suggests that his system is a useful tool for conservationists seeking to prioritise their efforts. To me, however, it is more interesting as a geographic expression of impossible nostalgia—the land-use database equivalent of medieval monks calculating how many angels could dance on a pin.

[NOTE: Thanks to @agrobiodiverse for the link to Rob Goldstein's piece on David Theobald's system.]

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Save the Date: Postopolis! DF

In just under a month, I am delighted to announce, I will be eagerly exploring the edible geography of Mexico City. The occasion is Postopolis! DF, the third in a series of events organised by Storefront for Art and Architecture. Postopolis! was launched in New York City in 2007, and it happened all over again in L.A. in 2009. I was lucky enough to attend both events as an audience member, and to be invited to participate this time is an honour indeed.

IMAGE: Postopolis! LA

The way Postopolis! works is that a handful of bloggers are invited to co-curate five days of back-to-back presentations and discussions that approach the field of urban and landscape design from as many disciplines and perspectives as possible. The list of participating blogs this year forms an impressive group: Urban Omnibus (Cassim Shepard), Intersections (Daniel Hernandez), DPR Barcelona (Ethel Baraona Pohl), Toxico Cultura (Gabriella Gomez-Mont), Tomo (Guillermo Ruiz de Teresa), Mudd Up! (Jace Clayton a.k.a DJ /rupture), We Make Money Not Art (Regine Debatty), Strangeharvest (Sam Jacob), and Wayne & Wax (Wayne Marshall).

Together, we’re putting together a list of speakers that ranges from government officials to DJs, academics to urban farmers, and waste disposal experts to documentary filmmakers—via a healthy sprinkling of artists, architects, and designers.

IMAGE: The courtyard at El Eco.

The five-day marathon will take place from 4 p.m. onwards between Tuesday, June 8, and Saturday, June 12, at the Museo Experimental El Eco in the Reforma Avenue neighbourhood of Mexico City. It is completely free and open to the public, the talks will be conducted in either Spanish or English, with simultaneous translations available, and each day will end with an after-party hosted by local music blogs. Rumour has it, the entire event will be streamed live online—I’ll confirm that nearer the time.

IMAGE: Clockwise: street food, the Bordo de Xochiaca dump, chinampas, and Mexican refrigerated trucks waiting to cross into the U.S.

Mexico, and Mexico City itself, offer a huge amount to discuss in terms of edible geography, from the chinampa system and the wheat and maize research of CIMMYT, to a fabulous diversity of street food and the U.S. FDA’s overseas expansion. Although the full speaker list and schedule is yet to be confirmed, Postopolis! DF is shaping up to be a pretty interesting event, and I definitely hope to see some of you there.

Meanwhile, since this is my first visit to Mexico City in more than a decade, what should I make sure to see and eat? Any tips or suggestions would be gratefully received.

Postopolis! DF is organised by Storefront for Art and Architecture, and presented in partnership with El Eco, Tomo, and Domus. Additional sponsors include Mexicana, the British Embassy, Urbi VidaResidencial, UNAM, Difusión Cultural UNAM, Cityexpress, and XXLager. Thanks also to Joseph Grima, Daniel Perlin, César Cotta, José Esparza, and Blog Non Stop.

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The Opposite of a Vegetable

IMAGE: Reversed Volumes by Mischer’Traxler, via Dezeen.

Viennese designers Mischer’Traxler showed these gorgeous bowls at this year’s Milan Design Week. The series is called Reversed Volumes, and each bowl is created by moulding ceramic powder around a vegetable until it hardens—no firing necessary.

IMAGE: Reversed Volumes by Mischer’Traxler, via Dezeen.

IMAGE: Reversed Volumes by Mischer’Traxler, via Dezeen.

These fossil shadows of vanished organic forms are the opposite of a vegetable, both materially and figuratively. They offer us a new way of knowing a cauliflower: by what it isn’t. I’m reminded of Rachel Whiteread’s House, in which the artist filled a Victorian terraced house in London’s East End with liquid concrete and then dismantled the building to reveal “a monument made up of void spaces.”

In both cases, the familiar and domestic is made foreign through the spaces it has left behind.

IMAGE: House, by Rachel Whiteread, via.

IMAGE: Reversed Volumes by Mischer’Traxler, via Dezeen.

Finally, Mischer’Traxler’s bowls remind us that vegetables are already a designed object—a morphology of domestication and breeding. For example, the varying shapes of cauliflower, broccoli, kohlrabi, cabbage, and kale all share a common ancestor in wild mustard. Eating from a Reversed Volume bowl is a reminder that our food is never “natural”—it is always already designed. The interesting question is: what stories can those designs tell us about ourselves?

IMAGE: Morphological evolution through artificial selection, via.

IMAGE: Reversed Volumes by Mischer’Traxler, via Dezeen.

[NOTE: Thanks to David Garcia, creator of the fantastic MAP series, for the tip.]

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New York By The Pound

IMAGE: “Judging the fruits of a community garden as part of the Park Farm Contest.” Courtesy of Parks Photo Archive, Neg. 16092. Photo by Max Ulrich, taken at Thomas Jefferson Park, Manhattan,
 on April 4, 1939.

Despite the rise of rooftop and island farms, old-school community gardens are probably the largest component of urban agriculture in New York City today.

I say probably because, as Mara Gittleman, Compton Mentor Fellow at GrowNYC, told me, “No one knows how much food New York City’s community gardens produce.” In fact, no one knows for sure how many of them produce food, although she considers eighty percent, or about 400 gardens, to be a safe estimate. Until Gittleman spent last year surveying and visiting many of the gardens registered (and not registered) in Green Thumb’s database, no one even had up-to-date figures on the number of community gardens in the city, let alone how many were still active.

IMAGE: “The practical-minded administration of Robert Moses boasted of growing ‘plants of economic interest’ such as cotton, peanuts, flax, wheat, Indian corn, and ‘old-fashioned herbs’ at Fort Greene Park in Brooklyn.” Photo via New York City Department of Parks and Recreation.

IMAGE: Garden Of Happiness, Bronx
. Photo taken by Malcolm Pinckney on September 12, 2009, via NYC Department of Parks and Recreation.

This is a pretty amazing data hole, given the frequency with which New York City’s community gardens are invoked by city officials, activists, and urban planners as a solution to environmental, food security, and public health challenges, as well as a source of green-collar jobs. For example, City Council Speaker Christine Quinn’s FoodWorks New York initiative lists the expansion of “urban agriculture through community gardens” as a key goal, while Manhattan Borough President Scott Stringer pledged to “support community gardens” in order to increase urban food production in his policy paper, Food in the Public Interest (pdf).

“When I got this fellowship and went to GrowNYC, the only community garden map that existed needed an update,” explained Gittleman, a recent Tufts graduate. “And it included schools and playgrounds and all these things that aren’t community gardens.” Before she could conduct any of her planned analyses of New York City community gardens—finding out which could act as public compost locations, for example, or correlating food-producing gardens with census data and supermarket locations—Gittleman spent a year updating the map, verifying whether gardens are still active, and filling gaps in the database.

IMAGE: Map showing community gardens in New York City, 2010, by Mara Gittleman.

After survey mail-outs, phone calls, and lots of footwork, she arrived at a database of just under five hundred community gardens, of which at least one hundred and fifty were not registered or being tracked in any way. “There are four main concentrations of community gardens,” Gittleman told me. “Central Brooklyn, East Village, the Upper Manhattan/East Harlem area, and South Bronx. The neighbourhoods that that burned down a few decades ago, leaving all these vacant lots.”

IMAGE: Map showing community gardens that were previously vacant lots, 2010, by Mara Gittleman.

Her next project, Farming Concrete, begins this month: her mission for the rest of 2010 is to measure exactly how much food is grown in New York City’s community gardens, on how much land, and with what monetary value.

This is a much bigger undertaking than it might initially sound. According to Gittleman, “the only other time a project like this has been done before was in Philadelphia, last year, which was great, but they used a lot of estimates. My goal is to get these numbers as accurate as possible.”

To that end, Gittleman and her team of volunteers (of which more later) will map all of the areas under production within each garden, measuring exactly how many square feet are devoted to cultivating different foods. Then she will get a statistically significant number of gardens (at least two hundred, she hopes) to commit to weighing all their produce through the end of the season—every single tomato, squash, and sprig of thyme. Mournfully, Gittleman told me about the one exception to her rigour:

The problem with that is that we don’t get to include fruit trees, which is sad. First of all, the square footage of a fruit tree is really difficult. We can do poundage, but we can’t do entire poundage—the fruit at the top usually doesn’t get picked and some falls on the ground and in any case, nobody at a community garden is going to be willing to take on a fruit tree and weigh every piece of fruit that comes off it. All we can really do is count all the fruit trees and then use an estimate.

IMAGE: Map showing community gardens with fruit trees, 2010, by Mara Gittleman.

The average crop volume from the gardens that measure their harvest can then be extrapolated for the other gardens whose growing area has been mapped: the result will be a map of the area used for food cultivation, a total volume harvested for each crop, and its corresponding dollar value. Gittleman also plans to release her raw data-sets, as well as give “each garden a sentence that says, ‘We at Community Garden X produce X lbs of food for this many people in this amount of space. It’s worth this much money and it prevents this many lbs of greenhouse gas emissions from entering the atmosphere.’”

As a chronic shortcut-taker, I suggested that Gittleman might like to bypass the weighing stage and just rely on existing yield estimates. Her response was quite astonishing: despite all the interest and hype, it seems that there are no good numbers out there for the amount of food different plant species can produce when grown in an urban, community setting.

Of course, there are yield numbers out there for each crop—but they’re for commercial crop production, which is totally different from what happens in a community garden. The conditions, soil, treatment, and scale are just so different.

This kind of data will thus be enormously useful: just for starters, Nevin Cohen and the Design Trust will know what to expect from community gardens as they develop a city-wide plan for urban agriculture. “And,” added Gittleman, “down the line, if the city gets to this point, these numbers could help prove that urban food cultivation is viable and it does have an impact and it is worth something. It would go towards New York City’s climate change emissions and sustainability goals, and so on.”


IMAGE: Maps showing community gardens that grow collard greens (above) and lettuces (below), 2010, by Mara Gittleman. Gittleman is a map enthusiast, and is currently working to combine the data on these separate crop maps into an interactive, searchable map, “so people will be able to look at the community gardens near them, and see, for example, if they have a public composting site, or picnic tables, or a herb garden, or whatever they want to know.” Later this year, she hopes to find volunteers who can help her enter old data from Green Thumb’s filing cabinets, to create a map of New York City’s community gardens over time.

Perhaps most importantly, community members will be able to use these concrete numbers to defend existing gardens and advocate more effectively for new ones. Although many New York City gardeners have felt bulletproof ever since they defeated Giuliani’s attempt to sell their land off to developers in the 1990s, Gittleman pointed out that “the legislation that’s been protecting them for a decade expires this September.” In fact, City Council has just issued a draft of the replacement legislation (doc), and although the document praises the “vital environmental and health benefits” afforded by community gardens, it also sets out a clear “Garden Review Process” through which the city can offer existing gardens an alternate site and attempt to develop on their land.

Clearly, Gittleman’s project could not come at a better time. While she is the first to admit that community gardens are not a perfect solution (over time, understandably, they tend to become less community oriented, and more “owned” by the people who cultivate them), they are still an incredibly important amenity for a city that has set ambitious goals to reduce trucking, improve air quality, and increase fruit and vegetable consumption by 2030.

IMAGE: Map showing government and charitable food provision in the South Bronx (including Emergency Food Provision sites, Food Stamp Offices, NYC WIC Clinics, and Summer Feeding Sites). Map created by Ben Bakelaar in 2006 for the New York City Coalition Against Hunger’s report, Mapping an End To Hunger (more, larger, and interactive maps available online there). Gittleman explained that for her thesis at Tufts, she “mapped Boston’s community gardens, food retail of all different sizes, and also socio-economic and demographic data from the census, and then used that to do a statistical analysis of where community gardens and food retailers were in terms of vulnerability to food insecurity.” Eventually, she’s hoping to do something similar in NYC.

I’m on board as a volunteer already, and you can be, too—Gittleman told me that she is still actively seeking sponsorship, interns, and volunteers. Depending on your time and your talents, she has just the job for you, and in return, she promises pizza, beer, and the opportunity to visit the varied community gardens of New York—not to mention your chance to find out exactly how many radishes this city can produce.

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Fascinating Stories About Semi-Skimmed Milk

IMAGE: An iconic example of the fictional book genre: J. R. Hartley’s Fly Fishing, invented to tug at our heartstrings in this Yellow Pages advert from the 1980s. A frail elderly man (left) calls several used-book dealers in vain, searching for a copy of Fly Fishing by J. R. Hartley. When he finally tracks down a copy and gives his shipping details, it turns out that he is none other than J. R. Hartley himself. The ad was such a hit that author Michael Russell then adopted the pseudonym J. R. Hartley for his book, Fly Fishing: Memories of Angling Days.

I’m a big fan of the Invisible Library, which catalogues books “that exist only between the covers of other books—as descriptions, occasionally as brief excerpts, often simply as titles.” The list includes several items of potential interest to Edible Geographers, such as Cooking the Captain: The Colonialist as Yorkshire Pudding by Stanley Tulafale (from James Hynes’s Publish and Perish) and Offal, by Stultitia Bodwin (from P.G. Wodehouse’s “Best Seller,” in Mulliner Nights).

IMAGE: INK chose forty titles from the Invisible Library to illustrate; the results were on display at London’s Tenderpixel Gallery in June and July 2009.

Further exploiting the allusive charm of fictional books (as Invisible Library co-founder Ed Park says, “Why write the whole book when you can get so much mileage out of the title alone?”), The Official Catalog of the Library of Potential Literature is now seeking submissions. A real book about fake books, the catalogue will consist purely of titles and blurbs, and its editors Ben Segal and Erinrose Meger promise that “each paragraph will be the promise of the unopened book in the moment before reading.”

Along these lines, Edible Geography recently learned of a fictional blog written by the new milkman, Harry, from The Archers, Radio Four’s long-running soap. According to his less articulate, resentful milk round colleague, Jazzer, Harry’s blog is full of “fascinating stories about semi-skimmed milk.” A little light Googling reveals that either Radio Four staff or obsessed fans have already tried to bring this fictional blog to life, but the current content—a single post—is a sad disappointment.

Inspired by the unfulfilled promise of Harry’s blog, Edible Geography would like to propose a list of fictional food blogs that fit under either category—either the ones we wish existed, as in the Official Catalog, or the ones that have been mentioned in other works of fiction, as in the Invisible Library. The Ambridge Milk Round blog is just the tip of the iceberg, surely? Crumbs: A Typology, perhaps, or the Cliff Clavin Beer Intelligencer—or the witty, if slightly pretentious, An Oxtail Dumpling Odyssey, regularly updated by Paul Kinsey of Mad Men… Suggestions welcome!

[NOTE: Thanks to The Second Pass for news of The Official Catalog of the Library of Potential Literature and Joe Moran's blog for pointing me towards Harry's fictional blog, as well as Dechen Pemba for the J. R. Hartley reminder.]

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Domestication through Defecation

IMAGE: “Possible routes of development from Hunting-Collecting to other systems,” from Deforesting The Earth: From Prehistory to Global Crisis by Michael Williams, via Social Fiction. Click here for larger size.

An important factor in the domestication process was defecation. The seeds of sweet-corn, tomatoes, lemons, cucumbers, and many more edible plants, as well as fruits of shrubs and trees, can pass intact through the human as well as the animal gut (it may even enhance their reproductive vigour), and can be subsequently dispersed and reproduced. In the case of humans the peripheral latrine areas common to virtually all societies would become new gardens in time.

The image and quote above both come from Deforesting The Earth: From Prehistory to Global Crisis by Michael Williams and were posted by Wilfried Houjebek on his blog, Social Fiction.

Archaeobotanists and paleoethnologists have long regarded human waste deposits as the richest cache of information to be found in ancient settlements. Ancestral excrement provides an archive of long-last intangibles, from environmental conditions and botanical evolution to early human dietary habits and lifestyles.

Interestingly, though, Michael Williams’ last sentence describes a geography of domestication, as latrine sites became, in Jared Diamond’s words, “a testing ground for the first crop breeders.” Peripheral but convenient, early toilets formed an unintentional architecture of collection and cultivation, perfectly designed to capture and spatially concentrate our preferred seeds (those of the fruits, legumes, and grains that humans sought out and ate in quantity). Human manure thus nourished pockets of edible crops on the edge of human settlements: proto-fields based on the landscape of waste management.

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Biofortified Humanoids

IMAGE: Red, yellow-green, and green pea aphids. Photo courtesy of Charles Hedgcock, R.B.P., via NPR.

Over at the Agricultural Biodiversity Weblog, an Edible Geography favourite, Jeremy links to a fascinating post about transgenic pea aphids. The pea aphid has been the focus of quite a bit of biological excitement lately as the findings of the Aphid Genome Project are gradually released: the tiny insects can change their shape in response to food supply and environmental conditions, with the option to become wingless, winged, sexual, asexual, or “morphs that are specialized to resist desiccation or to defend the colony.”

The latest and greatest aphid super power was discovered by researcher Nancy Moran, who wanted to understand exactly how pea aphids can change colour, from green to red via a sickly yellow. Scientists already knew that the red colour came from carotenoids, a class of organic pigments that includes such micro-nutrients as lutein, lycopene, and beta-carotene, and that is responsible for the yellowness of lemons, the orangeness of carrots, and the redness of tomatoes.

As computational biologist Iddo Freidberg points out at Byte Size Biology, carotenoids are also responsible for the pinkness of flamingos and salmon, as well as the orange glow prized by sunless tanners. To achieve such colouration, animals and humans must eat foods that contain the pigment, since it is a well-known fact, according to Moran, that “animals do not make carotenoids.”

IMAGE: Flamingo via by Flickr user Art Goeren; salmon; and an orange-toned Chelsy Davy.

Or at least, that was the accepted wisdom until Nancy Moran decided to look for carotenoid-synthesising genes in her aphid DNA. To her amazement, she found them, which makes pea aphids the only animals on earth known to be able to produce their own carotenoids.

Further detective work showed that rather than eat carotenoid-rich foods or host an in-house carotenoid-factory run by symbiotic bacteria, ancestral pea aphids actually went the whole hog and stole an entire sequence of DNA coded to synthesise carotenoids from some pathogenic fungi, spliced it into their own genome, and passed their new carotenoid-producing super power down the generations. The process is called lateral gene transfer, and according to Moran, “although gene transfers between microorganisms are common, finding a functional fungus gene as part of an animal’s DNA is a first.”

IMAGE: Red and green pea aphids. Photo courtesy of Charles Hedgcock, R.B.P., via NPR.

Pea aphids use their carotenoids to spread risk: apparently “red aphids are more susceptible to parasitic wasps, whereas green aphids are more susceptible to predators such as lady-bird beetles.” Humans, on the other hand, require carotenoids for health: deficiencies of Vitamin A and other carotenoids can cause blindness and a weakened immune system.

To that end, researchers have spent a considerable amount of time and energy splicing carotenoid-synthesising genes (in this case, from a daffodil and a bacterium called Erwinia uredovora, which causes soft rot diseases in fruit) into a staple food, such as rice, to create biofortified transgenic foods designed to reduce deficiency-related diseases in developing countries. Interestingly, the kind of highly controversial lateral gene transfer that creates Golden Rice™ (or, for that matter, Monsanto’s Roundup Ready soybeans) is an artificial analogue of the process pea aphid forefathers undertook when they lifted a genetic sequence from fungi and incorporated it into their own DNA.

IMAGE: Normal rice (left) compared to Golden Rice™ (right), via.

But what if we cut out the middle man, followed in the pea aphids’ footprints, and spliced some carotenoid-synthesising genes into our own DNA? The thought has clearly occurred to Nancy Moran. As she told Science Daily,

Animals have a lot of requirements that reflect ancestral gene loss. This is why we require so many amino acids and vitamins in the diet. Until now it has been thought that there is simply no way to regain these lost capabilities. But this case in aphids shows that it is indeed possible to acquire the capacity to make needed compounds.

The implications are quite breath-taking: perhaps, then, we could deliberately engineer a new race of biofortified transgenic humanoids capable of self-synthesising their own micro-nutritional requirements.

Doubtless, this would result in the same sorts of unintended, surreal, and occasionally disastrous consequences that these kinds of ambitious human interventions into complex systems always seem to cause, but maybe it’s more appropriate to experiment on ourselves directly, rather than on the plants we and other animals consume?

In any case, the scenario makes a wonderful thought-experiment: trying to imagine the consequences of this transgenic future makes the centrality of food production, preparation, and consumption to every aspect of human existence dramatically clear.

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The Amazing Allegorical Synthetic Fish

IMAGE: Rainbow trout, via.

Michael Pollan’s Botany of Desire popularised the ingenious idea that the biographies of plants provide us with a mirror in which we can see our own history, desires, and values. The triumph of corn, for example, tells us a wealth of stories, from the biological imperative behind our weakness for sweetness to the economic drivers that lead us to subsidise commodity crops so they sell for less than they cost to grow. The relationship is a feedback loop whereby corn has evolved to suit the needs of industrial agriculture, which supplies a food system that has been shaped by corn.

Or, as Michael Pollan puts it, “We are all now being manipulated by corn.”

IMAGE: “The Interior of the U.S. Fish Commission’s Central Station in Washington D.C. The jars in the background are hatching jars for eggs. Fish and eggs from all over the world were collected and distributed from this room.” From the National Archives via Anders Halverson’s website.

If, like me, you are not an angler or an ecologist, the rainbow trout might not figure largely in your imagination. It should though: not only do state and federal agencies dump an incredible 25 million pounds of rainbow trout (about 100 million fish) into American rivers each year according to journalist Anders Halverson, but the rise of Oncorhynchus mykiss contains a bizarre and fascinating cache of insights into human motivations and misunderstandings.

In fact, as described in Halverson’s new book, An Entirely Synthetic Fish, the rainbow trout is—like corn—both biological instantiation and evolving allegory for our complex relationship with nature, our misguided interventions, and their unintended consequences.

In order to arrive at that conclusion Halverson explores a sequence of jaw-dropping, interlinked sub-stories, including the invention of artificial fish propagation, Congressional anxieties about American virility, aerial fish bombing, and migrating DNA, all of which have played a role in the rainbow trout’s journey towards world domination.

IMAGE: “Spawning Rainbow trout at a U.S. Fish Commission facility in Iowa.” From the National Archives, via Anders Halverson’s website.

IMAGE: “Steve Smith (Maintenance Mechanic) spawning rainbow trout. ca. 2005,” White Sulphur Springs National Fish Hatchery, from the U.S. Fish & Wildlife Service. Fish culturists apparently sometimes refer to themselves as “fish squeezers.”

Halverson picks up the story in the nineteenth century, when rainbow trout were “native only to the Pacific Rim from Mexico to Kamchatka.” One technical innovation and two cultural imperatives later, however, and the rainbow trout were well on their way. The scientific breakthrough came in 1843, when “a poor French carpenter and sometime fisherman named Joseph Remy and his friend Antoine Géhin” wrote a letter to a local official describing their technique for artificially propagating fish.

IMAGE: Hatching fish, then and now.

Prior to that, fish had been farmed in ponds, but they reproduced naturally. The method Remy and Géhin described is, according to Halverson, “essentially the same that is used today.”

During spawning season, at the beginning of November, at the moment when the eggs are loose in the belly of the trout, I have, by passing my thumb along and lightly pressing the belly of the female, so that it does not result in any harm for her, forced out eggs that I placed in a pot full of water. Afterward, I took the male, and with a similar operation as for the female, I made the milk run onto the eggs until the water was white.

By 1852, the French government had realised the significance of this discovery and built the first ever piscifactoire at Huningue. Remy and Géhin “each received a pension and a tobacco shop” as reward, notes Halverson, and just one year later, artificial fish insemination came to the United States when “an Ohio doctor named Theodatus Garlick read about the efforts then under way in France and decided to try the technique with native eastern brook trout.”

IMAGE: “Exterior view of the establishment of fish farm Huningue. circa 1860. Engraving from the book Album of science famous scientist discoveries in 1899″ (Photo by Apic/Getty Images)

At roughly the same time, a couple of other forces were at work, which together set the stage for the enthusiastic adoption of fish culture as a tool to breed and spread rainbow trout across the United States. Both were manifestations of a particular relationship with nature as well as responses to historical circumstance.

On the one hand, Halverson describes the acclimatisation movement, with its mission to transfer “useful” species throughout the globe. Grounded in a colonial and Christian mindset, in which nature existed as a resource to serve man and to be improved upon through his ingenuity, explorers from Christopher Columbus to Captain Cook had brought home tomatoes and left behind pigs.

By the nineteenth century, as explorers were replaced by settlers and the British and French invested heavily in the bureaucracy of empire, the first formal acclimatising group was founded: the Société Zoologique d’Acclimatation, launched in Paris in 1854. Americans were not immune to this impulse as they moved west—Halverson observes that “as a philosophy, acclimatization fit well with American ideas of progress and manifest destiny,” and quotes a common sentiment at the time: “Let the best fish, like the best man, win.”

IMAGE: “Starling Wave,” by Danny Green, Nature Black and White award winner, Wildlife Photographer of the Year in 2009, via. Halverson includes the infamous story of Eugene Schieffelin, a founding member of the New York chapter of the Acclimation Society of North America. His personal goal was to introduce every bird mentioned in Shakespeare to the U.S., and he achieved some success with the release of starlings in Central Park in 1880 (their first nesting site was under the eaves of the American Museum of Natural History). Since 1910, it has been illegal to import starlings, but the ban came too late—today there are an estimated 140 million starlings in the U.S., and they are now regarded as a major pest.

As it happened, many felt that the American West was “somewhat lacking” in fish fauna, and Halverson quotes Congressman Robert Roosevelt‘s bold declaration that:

There is no reason why the waters of the West should be less prolific than those of the East, provided the right species were introduced; and were trout, salmon, bass, shad, and sturgeon to take the place of catfish, pickerel, and suckers, the gain would be manifest.

The third coincident factor, and perhaps the most intriguing, is a pervasive anxiety that if American men were not able to go fishing, the national culture and values—even democracy itself—would somehow be compromised. Halverson speculates on several possible causes for this sentiment, from increased urbanisation (by the end of the nineteenth century, 33% of Americans lived in cities, compared to only 7% at the beginning) to the closure of the frontier in the 1890s. Whatever the cause, the second half of the nineteenth century was filled with laments for the “soft-muscled, paste-complexioned youth” with their “lack of nerve force” who were making America “a duller, as well as more effeminate” nation.

IMAGE: “Hatchery fish arrive in milk containers on a horse-drawn cart. Note the unfinished Washington Monument in the background.” The overlap between rainbow trout and national pride is clear in this photo from the National Archives, via Anders Halverson’s website.

The popular solution to this crisis of virility was to encourage outdoor activity, and in particular, hunting and fishing—”the sports of the field.” The problem was that, in the northeast at least, “human activities were rapidly diminishing the numbers of salmon, trout, and other fish in New England.” Since nothing could be permitted to stand in the way of progress, environmental regulations were not an option. Replenishing the streams with a steady supply of sturdier specimens was the only way Americans could continue to improve their characters by wrestling with nature even as their factories polluted the waterways. But which fish to farm?

The rainbow trout was the leading candidate. It had acclimated well, having proved that it “could also withstand much higher temperatures than the native trout of New York … a valuable trait in streams and ponds where excessive logging had turned once cool forest streams into sun-baked wastelands.” Rainbow trout were judged the equal of salmon and bass in taste, only slightly inferior in appearance, they hatched and raised well, and—most importantly—they were good fighters. As Halverson writes:

Because the character of the quarry was considered a direct reflection of the character of the pursuer, rainbows quickly became a favorite among sportsmen. “The man who has ever hooked a leaping fighting rainbow on light tackle in a canoe on the Soo Rapids will have all the thrills that should come to the honest fisherman,” opined one angler, “and if he wins, his manly chest is the proper place for the pinning of all the medals that are the reward of victory.”

IMAGE: “The U.S. Fish Commission raised fish for several years in ponds on what is now the National Mall in Washington D.C.” From the National Archives, via Anders Halverson’s website.

And so, in the interests of national security and progress, the U.S. Fish Commission was set up, and began assembling the infrastructure to propagate and distribute rainbow trout, from fish ponds on the National Mall to specially designed train cars.

For the next seventy-five years, dam-building policies and forestry economics conspired to serve the rainbow trout’s ends. Railway companies and agency officials collaborated in a supply and demand feedback loop, advertising where hatchery fish had been dumped so that weekend anglers could line up “shoulder to shoulder, yanking trout out of the water almost as fast as they could be poured from the truck.”

IMAGE: “From 1881 to 1947, the U.S. Fish Commission delivered fish to private as well as public applicants throughout the United States on specially designed train cars like this one. The cars had water tanks, aeration devices, cooling systems, and bunks for the attendants, among other things.” From the National Archives, via Anders Halverson’s website.

In one of the more surreal sections of the book, Halverson describes the origins of aerial fish-stocking missions, as surplus World War II planes and demobilised pilots were successfully redeployed in the 1950s to introduce the rainbow trout to previously fishless lakes, high in the California mountains. Even as you anticipate the disastrous ecological consequences, it’s hard not to be amazed by the gung-ho ingenuity of former crop duster and California Department of Fish and Game pilot Al Reese:

First, Reese tried freezing the fish in ice blocks and parachuting them in ice cream containers. Both of these techniques, though, proved dangerous and difficult. And so, one day, Reese and his assistants tried a simpler technique. They put fifty trout and some water into a five-gallon can and threw it out the window toward a hatchery pond about 350 feet below. They missed, and the can bounced along the rocks nearby instead. But when observers recovered the twisted metal debris, they found sixteen fish still swimming in the small amount of water that remained.

Ultimately, Reese and the team ditched the barrels altogether in favour of releasing fish that would hit the water “with a vertical speed of about thirty miles per hour,” in a scene described by observers as “a cloud of mist that suddenly appeared behind the plane, full of the barely distinguishable dark shapes of small fish.” Of course, sometimes the fish bombers missed, but nonetheless, aerial fish-stocking proved cheaper and more effective than other methods in such remote locations.

IMAGE: Aerial fish stocking, via.

IMAGE: Aerially stocked fish hit the water, via.

As you would expect, these experiments in the rational optimisation of one element within a complex ecosystem had unpredictable and frequently disastrous results. Some, such as the loss of amphibian life, were (until recently) perceived as unimportant if they were perceived at all, while others, including the mass poisoning of the Green River, in order to “rehabilitate” it by removing native fish and introducing rainbow trout, caused a scandal even at the time.

IMAGE: Rainbow trout restocking in California, via.

Meanwhile, raising a single species of fish in cramped conditions naturally served to increase pest and disease vulnerability. For example, Halverson reports that by 1987, a peculiar-sounding but nasty infection called whirling disease had contaminated hatcheries across Colorado, and by the mid-1990s, the disease had established itself in “thirteen of the state’s fifteen major river drainages,” with a predictable impact on fish numbers.

IMAGE: Fish with whirling disease, which causes them to swim in a corkscrew motion, via.

Perhaps the most interesting example of the inadequacy of human epistemological models combined with the law of unintended consequences comes towards the end the book, as Halverson describes the difficulty fisheries officials have in implementing any policy that requires the differentiation of native and non-native, now that the rainbow trout has interbred with other species promiscuously, spreading its “genetic pollution at a very rapid clip.”

IMAGE: A rainbow trout, via.

IMAGE: A westslope cutthroat trout, via. The westslope cuttthroat is a candidate for Endangered Species status.

IMAGE: The increasingly common “cutbow”—a hybrid rainbow trout and westslope cutthroat—via.

“Rainbow genes,” Halverson writes, “have become their own entity, disconnected from the fish in which they have began.” The result is a policy nightmare, with endangered species going “extinct due to such hybridization,” while experts consider whether “a fish can be considered a member of a species and a threat to the species at the same time.” Meanwhile, other scientists continue the re-engineering, adding an extra set of chromosomes to the rainbow trout “to make them grow faster and bigger,” and then feeding them creatine in an attempt to make them “harder fighting fish.”

IMAGE: An obese rainbow trout, the result of an extra set of chromosomes and some steroids, via.

To conclude his cautionary tale, Halverson reports that the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Commission has now “distanced itself from the rainbow trout,” and that many states are now undertaking non-native “fish removal” programs (which are, of course, complicated by the hybridisation outlined above). On the other hand, he reports that fishing for hatchery rainbows is “one of the fastest growing sports around cities like Beijing.”

In any case, it’s almost impossible to do justice to such a complex and fantastically weird tale in a blog post, and I clearly can’t recommend An Entirely Synthetic Fish highly enough. It’s not simply a page-turning collection of fascinating stories, but an entirely new lens through which to understand 150 years of collaborative human/rainbow trout ecological, hydrological, cultural, and economic redesign—in which the rainbow trout seems to have had the upper hand throughout!

[Huge thanks to Geoff Manaugh for finding and giving me Halverson's book!]

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Marmite Linguistics

Marmite, the brewing by-product turned British toast-topper, has turned up in a couple of interesting contexts lately due to its “Love it or hate it” ad campaign. Although the tagline was first used in 1996 (replacing “My Mate, Marmite”), it has recently achieved recognition as a snowclone.

IMAGE: Last year,  Claire Allen claimed to find Jesus in the lid of a Marmite jar.

A snowclone, according to linguistics professor Geoffrey Pullum, is “a multi-use, customisable, instantly recognisable, time-worn, quoted or misquoted phrase or sentence that can be used in an entirely open array of different variants,” or, in somewhat a less technical terms, a “some-assembly-required adaptable cliché frame for lazy journalists.” It’s one of those expressions, like the equally gorgeous “crash blossom,” that I didn’t even realise how much I needed until I read the definition.

IMAGE: George W. Bush in Marmite, from the “Love it or hate it” campaign, via.

The word “snowclone” was coined by economist Glen Whitman in response to one of Geoffrey Pullum’s examples of swappable template phrases: that if the Eskimo have more than a hundred words for snow, the [insert a group here] must have even more for [insert a thing here]. For example, if the Eskimo have more than a hundred words for snow, the British must have even more for rain; and if the Eskimo have more than a hundred words for snow, the Italians must have even more for pasta. (The fact that the Inuit language has “about the same number of distinct word roots referring to snow as English does,” according to Wikipedia, is neither here nor there.)

There are now 382 accredited examples in the snowclone database, from the basic (“X is the new Y”) to the more enjoyably esoteric (“X me no Xs,” “I am X, hear me Y,” and “In X, no one can hear you Y”). The only other snowclone of edible origin (if you discount Inuit snow), is “Got X?,” from the 1993 California Milk Processors Board ad, whose variations range from the religious (“Got Jesus?“) to the chiropractic (“Got Subluxation?“).

IMAGE: Marmite’s love/hate geography, from their advertising series, via.

IMAGE: Marmite’s love/hate geography, from their spoof “Hate party” manifesto proposal to exile Marmite lovers to Guernsey, via.

Marmite’s inclusion in the snowclone list rests on the template phrase “X is the Marmite of Y,” which is sometimes spelled out more clearly as “X is like Marmite—you either love it or you hate it.” According to the editors of the Guardian‘s style guide, Marmite rose to snowclone status soon after the launch of its new squeezy format in March 2006. Since then, there have been 119 Marmite comparisons in the paper, including, in just the last couple of months, architect Renzo Piano’s Central St. Giles (“It’s also a Marmite building, which passers-by either hate or love”) and designer Ron Arad (“He’s the design equivalent of Marmite”). At this point, Marmite analogies have apparently overtaken the previously ubiquitous “elephant in the room” in Guardian bingo.

IMAGE: Screenshot of the spoof Marmite “Hate party” broadcast, via.

IMAGE: Screenshot of the BNP party broadcast, complete with levitating Marmite jar, via.

In the last couple of days, the clarity and brash self-confidence of Marmite’s “love it or hate it” stance has also been appropriated by politicians, not just lazy journalists. On the same morning that Gordon Brown tweeted that he loves marmalade but his wife loves Marmite, Unilever (who own the Marmite brand) began legal proceedings against the far-right, racist British National Party for unauthorised use of Marmite in a party political broadcast:

It has been brought to our attention that the British National Party has included a Marmite jar in a political broadcast shown currently online. We want to make it absolutely clear that Marmite did not give the BNP permission to use a pack shot of our product in their broadcast. [...] We are currently initiating injunction proceedings against the BNP to remove the Marmite jar from the online broadcast and prevent them from using it in future.

The rogue Marmite jar can be seen floating rather surreally to the left of Nick Griffin’s head, above a British passport, a case of framed medals, and a set of weighty tomes worthy of a Restoration Hardware catalogue, in one of the more peculiar examples of TV set design. Somewhat incredibly, the BNP claims that they did not insert the Marmite jar themselves (it was put in there without permission by “one of the people to whom we had given the broadcast to review”), but that in any case, it’s fair revenge for Marmite’s own spoof ad campaign, in which the “Hate party” leader asks followers to “Stop the spread” from a similarly decorated room. No word as yet from Nick Clegg or David Cameron on their position on Marmite…

IMAGE: The political implications of food preferences and references, photo via.

Ridiculous as the BNP and its attempt at a viral marketing Marmite-hijack are, the significance of food choices in a political campaign are always interesting. Barack Obama’s arugula slip during a campaign stop in Iowa led to much media debate over “wine-track” versus “beer-track” Democrats; meanwhile, this year’s tightly contested New York state elections are being fought on the plate as well as the campaign trail, according to the New York Times. As French gastronomer Jean Anthelme Brillat-Savarin presciently noted, back in 1825, “Tell me what you eat, and I will tell you who you are.”

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Multifunctional Desserts

In a 1976 episode of Saturday Night Live, Dan Ackroyd, Chevy Chase, and Gilda Radner starred in a short ad for New Shimmer: a miraculous new product that was “both floor wax and a dessert topping!”

IMAGE: “New Shimmer” on Saturday Night Live, “for the greatest shine you ever tasted!”

While a close look at Cool Whip’s ingredient list reveals that the space-age dessert topping could plausibly function as haemmorhoid cream and condom lube, New Shimmer’s combined cleansing and culinary properties were, of course, a purely satirical invention.

Until last Tuesday in Gowanus, Brooklyn, that is, when NYU chemist Kent Kirschenbaum and dessert pioneer Will Goldfarb of the Experimental Cuisine Collective presented two new research-driven desserts at the Secret Science Club. Kirschenbaum began by explaining the molecular structure of soap, in order to isolate the particular chemical characteristics that cause it to trap grease and dirt when mixed with water.

IMAGE: How soap works, via.

In order to create the foamy, mousse-like mouthfeel and cleansing powers of a real-life New Shimmer, Kirschenbaum explained that he and Goldfarb simply needed to find an edible molecule with similar properties. They landed on saponins, a class of natural surfactants usually extracted from plants with such give-away names as soapwort and the soapbark tree. As well as their traditional use as pre-industrial detergents, saponins already have a variety of food uses: soapwort can be used in halva to create a marshmallow-like texture, and quillaja saponin from the soapbark tree creates the foamy head on root beer.

IMAGE: Botanical illustration of the soapbark tree, via.

Their formulation (100g water with 4g quillaja beaten in) resembled shaving foam. Kirschenbaum ran a dab through his hair for a firm-hold mousse effect, while Goldfarb applied a generous dollop to the floor using a mop, where it seemed to have some dirt-removal powers.

Sadly, despite its “pillowy” mouthfeel, the foam smelled tannic and medicinal— “bitters mixed with wet newspapers,” reported Kirschenbaum. Using a mini iSi whipper, Goldfarb added simple syrup, which miraculously turned the floor cleaning foam into a delicious dessert topping—lighter and bouncier than whipped cream and less sticky than Marshmallow Fluff.

IMAGE: Salep dondurma as photographed by Eric Hansen for the New York Times.

Their second dessert was a recreation of a traditional Turkish stretchy ice cream called salep dondurma. Also known as fox testicle ice cream, salep dondurma is made using the tuberous roots of wild orchids and, according to a report on Salon, it’s both “slightly sweet with a nutty flavor similar to dried milk powder” and “capable of being used as a jump rope.”

Unfortunately, demand for the ice cream is such that the Salep-producing orchids are now an endangered species and their commercial export has been forbidden since 2003. A BBC report from that year quotes salep dondurma fanatics vowing to “just eat illegal ice cream,” while a concerned botanist reports on the scale of the damage: “for one kilogram of dried Salep, around 1,000 orchids are needed,” which means that a single family ice cream business can use up to twelve million flowers every year.

IMAGE: Salep is extracted from the tuberous roots of Orchis mascula, images via and via.

Scientist and author Harold McGee described his attempt to make a legal (i.e. orchid-less) version in a 2007 article for the New York Times. Using guar gum instead of Salep, he produced an ice cream described variously as “flaky,” “chewy,” and “challenging.” Undaunted, Kirschenbaum and his students at NYU smuggled a small amount of dried Salep out of Turkey in order to analyse its chemical properties and find a successful replacement. Earlier this year, they declared success with a recipe that used konjac, which contains the same water-absorbent glucomannan molecules as Salep, and mastic gum (the original chewing gum).

IMAGE: NPR’s Science Friday reports on Kirschenbaum’s stretchy ice cream experiments (click for video).

Intriguingly, as if it wasn’t enough just to create a combination floor wax/whipped topping and a bootleg stretchy ice cream, Kirschenbaum and Goldfarb kept stressing the use value of these multifunctional desserts. In addition to providing a sustainable alternative to the endangered orchids, their Powerpoint slide claimed a range of benefits for Konjac Dondurma, from its appetite-suppressing dietary fibre (thanks to the konjac) to its oral health properties (the mastic gum).

Meanwhile, the saponins in Kirschenbaum and Goldfarb’s floor wax/whipped topping have been shown to lower blood cholesterol levels. Saponin extracts from yucca are already widely used in pet foods for their ability to “bind to ammonia and other volatile compounds” and thus “reduce faecal odour,” announced a grinning Kirschenbaum. In other words, he added, “Our desserts can improve your life, unless your shit don’t stink.”

Of course, Kirschenbaum and Goldfarb’s tongues were firmly in cheek throughout, and products inspired by Saturday Night Live sketches should undoubtedly be accompanied with a pinch of salt. But the idea of of a multifunctional dessert was intriguing. After all, what is the point of dessert in the first place? Interestingly, the same question prefaced Bill Buford’s 2006 profile of Goldfarb for the New Yorker:

I didn’t know why dessert was invented or what function in the running of a human organism it was meant to perform. (I wasn’t even sure when it was invented. Raising livestock, vegetable farming, the harvesting of grains: these activities are ancient, older than history, and essential to the survival of the species. But when did humankind decide that it also needed crème brûlée?)

Out of curiosity, I looked up Wikipedia’s entry on dessert, which is short, entirely free of references, and “may require clean up to meet Wikipedia’s quality standards.” It provides alternate words for the meal (“sweet,” “pudding,” or “afters”) and a description of a dessert spoon (“intermediate in size between a teaspoon and a tablespoon”), but the crowd-sourced encyclopedia definition makes no mention of function:

In Western culture, Dessert is a course that typically comes at the end of a meal, usually consisting of sweet food but sometimes of a strongly-flavored one, such as some cheeses. The word comes from the French language as dessert and this from Old French desservir, “to clear the table” and “to serve.”

Buford’s etymological research in the New Yorker goes somewhat further, adding that: “The French word appeared in print in 1539, and entered the English language slowly; its first usage was in a seventeenth-century medical text, in a telling and prophetic expression of protest: ‘Such eating, which the French call desert, is unnaturall.’”

IMAGE: The ur-dessert, chosen to illustrate Wikipedia‘s dessert entry.

Buford’s conclusion, after watching diners at Goldfarb’s now defunct NYC restaurant, Room 4 Dessert, is that dessert must serve a social purpose, rather than a biological one—”giving people a reason not to say good night.” But perhaps dessert also serves as a small reminder, at the end of a meal, that food and the way we eat it are a human invention—and thus always open to improvement.

In the context of dessert’s existential void, then, perhaps Kirschenbaum and Goldfarb’s combination breath freshener, aphrodisiac, and orchid protector is simply an inspired redesign.

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